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Unlike his first term, which was dedicated
primarily to domestic affairs, Washington's second term was dominated
by foreign affairs.
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The French Revolution
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In 1789,
King Louis XVI called a meeting of the French nation assembly, the
Estates General, in Paris, for the purpose of raising new taxes.
Initially, membership in the assembly was structured to give the
interests of the nobility the upper hand in all decisions.
However, inspired by the example of the American Revolution, the
members of the "third estate"--i.e., those who were not of aristocratic
birth--took control of the assembly, voted to increase their
membership, then set about reducing the power of the monarchy in France
and create a
constitutional monarchy similar to that which existed in Great
Britain.
Widespread dissatisfaction with the king and the French
government spread beyond the meeting of the Estates
General. Mobs of Parisians took to the street to demand
reform. On July 14, 1789, a Parisian mob stormed the fortress
of the Bastille, symbol of royal power, tore down its walls, and
liberated the political prisoners within.
The leaders of the French
Revolution eventually formed a committee to govern France, an brought
the king from his palace at Versailles into Paris where he remained
under house arrest. Proclaiming "Liberté!
Equalité! Fraternité!" the Revolutionaries
determined to bring democratic rule to France.
Yet the unfettered power of democracy proved difficult to
control. Men of reason soon fell out of favor to powerful
demagogues, who stirred up the hatred of the mobs to their own
political ends. Soon, many leaders of the Revolution fell victim
to the mob, were imprisoned, and even executed. People whose only
"crime" was to have been born into the aristocracy were automatically
suspected of being enemies of the Revolution and arrested. Soon,
demands for blood reached even the highest levels. In 1791, King
Louis
attempted to flee his house arrest. He was brought
to trial in December of 1792, and executed (along with his queen, Marie
Antoinette) on
January 21, 1793.
The Committee of Public Safety and the Revolutionary Tribunal were
instituted immediately after the execution of the King. The
Reign of Terror, during which the ruling faction ruthlessly
exterminated all potential enemies, of whatever sex, age, or condition,
began in September of 1793 and lasted until the fall of Robespierre on
July 27, 1794: during the last six weeks of the Terror alone (the
period known as the "Red Terror") nearly fourteen hundred people were
guillotined in Paris alone. The Convention was replaced in October of
1795 with the Directory, which was replaced in turn, in 1799, by the
Consulate. Napoleon Bonaparte became Emperor in May of 1804.
The specter of revolution provoked fear from France's European
neighbors, which sought to take advantage of the situation by invading
France. In September 1792, in the face of the advance of the allied
armies of Austria,
Holland, Prussia, and Sardinia, the French Legislative Assembly was
replaced by the National
Convention, which proclaimed the French Republic. Then, in
January of 1793 the revolutionary government
declared war on Britain--a war for world dominion which had been
carried on, with short intermissions, since the beginning of the reign
of William and Mary, and which would continue for another twenty-two
years. (1)
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America's Response
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Initially,
many Americans greeted the news of the French Revolution
with acclaim. President Washington pronounced himself "pleased"
to be identified with the new struggle for the "rights of man."
Francophone's like Thomas Jefferson (who was in Paris at the time) and
Benjamin Franklin (who died in 1790) also
expressed appreciation for the Revolution. However, as the
Revolution turned increasingly violent, American applause turned to
dismay in
many quarters as mob rule ran amok.
With Europe
now at war, the issues of the Franco-American alliance became
problematic. It was still operative, and as an ally, many
Americans felt the United States should enter the war on the side of
France. After all, hadn't they come to our aid when we fought for
our rights and liberties? Many of those who held this view were
Democratic-Republicans, the followers of Jefferson. Others,
however, pointed out that the alliance with France had been made with
the government of Louis XVI, which no longer existed. They
counseled that we remain neutral, at the very least, while others
believed we should enter the war on the side of England. After
all, England was our greatest trading partner, and our economy stood to
benefit from such a change in alliances. The leading advocates of
this point of view were in the Federalist camp, and followers of
Alexander Hamilton.
With two members of his cabinet aligned on opposite sides of the
issue, Washington found himself in a difficult position. He still
needed to resolve issues with the British remaining from the
Revolutionary War. For example, the British had not yet abandoned
their frontier forts, in effect leaving an armed foreign power on
American soil. For their part, the British said the United States
had failed to do its part in helping recover the pre-war debts
Americans owed to British interests. Until America met this
obligation, Britain would refuse to budge. Thus, a "feint" in the
direction of France could conceivably have forced Britain to be more
compliant at the bargaining power. To this end, President
Washington sent diplomat John Jay to England to help resolve these and
other issues. During Jay's absences, however, Alexander Hamilton
managed to prey on Washington's cautious sensibilities. America
was a young nation, Hamilton reasoned, and unable, even if willing, to
grant aid, either in the form of military or economic resources, to its
embattled ally, France. Hamilton thus convinced Washington to
issues his Neutrality
Proclamation (1793) which stated that the U. S. would remain
neutral in any conflict between France and its enemies.
The Jeffersonians were outraged by this foul treatment of our
staunchest ally. They blamed Hamilton and his cohorts, the
commercial and trading interests of the Northeast, for producing this
shameful response from the president. Worse, however, was the
effect of the Neutrality Proclamation on John Jay's mission in
England. By the time he got there, his own government had taken
away the one "card" he had to play in his diplomatic game with
England--i.e., the threat the the United States would honor its
alliance with France. Still, Jay did his best, but the treaty he
negotiated amounted to little more than a reiteration of the terms of
the Treaty of Paris, with the exception that the treaty got Britain to
pay compensation for American ships and cargo seized by the Royal Navy,
which was then engaged in a blockade of France.
Jay's Treaty,
nevertheless, managed to further alienate the
Democratic-Republicans. Comprised mostly of southerners and
westerners, these Americans owed the most in pre-war debts to Great
Britain. They felt they owed nothing to their former imperialist
oppressors. And yet Jay had managed to gain favorable treatment
for the commercial and trading interests (who were the ones being
compensated for shipping losses)--allies of Hamilton. More than
any other factor, Jay's Treaty served to make the split between
Jeffersonian Democratic-Republicans and the Hamiltonian Federalists a
permanent one. Out of this split emerged the nation's first party system.
The Washington administration also had to deal with other diplomatic
issues during its second term. One of these involved continuing
concerns about American trade along the Mississippi River. As
more and more Americans pushed into the trans-Appalachian west, they
depended upon the Mississippi River as route to the port of New
Orleans, where they could sell their goods in the international
market. (For example, farmers in Kentucky would sail flatboats
down the Ohio River into the Mississippi, and thus down to New
Orleans.) Although the Treaty of Paris (1783) included a clause
whereby Spain guaranteed Americans access to the port or New
Orleans. Nevertheless, Americans worried about their ability to
access the port of New Orleans. American diplomat Charles
Pinckney negotiated a treaty with Spain guaranteeing Americans
free access to the port of New Orleans. In spite of this
assurance contained in Pinckney's
Treaty, though, Americans continued to worry about their
vulnerability with respect to the West in general and the Mississippi
River in particular.
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The Whiskey
Rebellion
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American fears of rebellion were not
isolated Europe during these early years. Resistance to elements
of Hamilton's financial plan stirred uncomfortable reminders of the
Stamp Act Crisis two decade previous.
The Constitution allowed the Congress (directed by the Treasury
Department) to levy excise taxes on certain goods traded within the
United States. Hamilton had therefore placed excises taxes on
certain "luxury" items, one of which was whiskey. To a New Yorker
like Hamilton, whiskey might indeed have been a luxury, but to
thousands in the back country areas of states like Pennsylvania,
Virginia, and North Carolina, whiskey was a vital element of
trade. Without access to banks and currency, back country
residents used barrels of whiskey (refined from the corn they grew) as
barter. Now, to have a tax placed upon it seemed unfair.
Restive westerners soon took to erecting "liberty poles" and wearing
"liberty hats" to symbolize their dislike of the tax. Soon
revenue collectors were also harassed as they tried to collect the
taxes.
Word reached President Washington of a rebellion in the backwoods of
Pennsylvania. This put Washington in a delicate
position: should he take the safe route and let the governor of
Pennsylvania handle it--i.e., hide behind the states' rights
amendment? Or should he take direct action? Washington
decided upon the latter course. Since the actions involved a
federal tax, and actions had been taken upon representatives of the
federal government, he felt it was necessary for the federal government
to respond. Therefore, he summoned up the Pennsylvania militia
and ordered them into the back country to put down the rebellion.
As it turned out, there was no "rebellion"--only ordinary discontent
with taxes. The repercussions of Washington's decisive actions,
however, loomed large over the emerging political divisions within the
new nation. The Federalists applauded Washington's strong
assertion of federal power over the states, while anti-Federalists
(Democratic-Republicans) viewed the same incident with alarm as an
example of the tyranny inherent in centralized power.
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Washington's Farewell Address
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As Washington's second term drew to a
close, the nation's first president made a momentous decision: he
would not run for a third term. Throughout his time in office,
Washington had been very aware of the importance of his example to his
successors. In his choices and in his personal conduct, he
conducted himself with great care, aware that his actions would serve
as a precedent for future presidents. Thus, in choosing to refuse
a third term, Washington established the "two-term" precedent that
would stand as an unwritten rule to all future presidents until
Franklin Roosevelt's election to a third term in 1940. (After
Roosevelt's death in 1945, Congress passed the 23rd Amendment limiting
a president to to terms or not more than 10 years in office.)
Before leaving office, Washington established another precedent by
composing a "farewell address" to the nation. Reflecting the
nation's difficult experiences with respect to the French Alliance,
Washington advised Americans in future to avoid any entangling
alliances with foreign powers, and a plea for a return to the
republican unity of earlier days.
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Sources
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Proceed to Next
Lecture
(1) David Cody, "The French Revolution," The Victorian Web,
http://www.victorianweb.org/history/hist7.html.
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