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Even though
only 5% of the 18th
century colonists lived in cities (and none of the cities exceeded
16,000 in 1750),
the commercial capitals of coastal North America were on the cutting
edge of
economic, social, and political change.
It was here that the economy first changed from a barter to a
commercial
economy, where a competitive social order replaced one based on
ascribed
status, where a hierarchical and deferential polity gave way to a
participatory
and contentious civic life, and where factory production first began to
replace
small-scale artisanal production.
In the half century between 1690 and
1750 Boston, New York, and Philadelphia blossomed into commercial
centers that
rivaled such British provincial ports as Hull, Bristol, and
Glasgow. This urban growth reflected the development
of the hinterlands to which they were commercially linked. These
seaports were also being drawn into the
international market and were less self-sufficient than before.
Many of the economic decisions affecting the
livelihood of people in these cities were now being made in far-off
places. The wider market was indifferent to
individuals or communities, and the price of goods, labor, and land
were
dictated by invisible laws of the international marketplace. So
long as times were prosperous, though,
people did not seem to notice or care.
Not until a crisis occurred would they begin to re-examine their new
circumstances and lament the loss of their earlier values of community
and
concern for the "common weal."
Such
a
crisis occurred in Boston
during the first of England's continental wars in the 18th
century: Queen Anne's War (1702-1713). During this war,
Andrew Belcher, one of the
town's largest grain merchants, decided to ship large quantities of
wheat to
the West Indies, where prices were higher than Massachusetts.
This threatened the locals with a bread
shortage. Leading townsmen were appalled
that a merchant would put profit ahead of the welfare of the
community. ordinary Bostonians took matters into their
own hands. They descended upon one of
Belcher's ships, which was loaded with grain for the Indies, and
sabotaged it
by sawing through the rudder. They then
tried to run the ship aground in order to liberate the grain from the
ship's
holds.
Such food shortages rarely
occurred
in the American colonies, usually happening only in wartime, but when
they did,
urban people demanded to be fed at prices they could afford, regardless
of
modern notions of a free market ruled by supply and demand.
The urban social strain grew
with
the spread of the individualistic and entrepreneurial ethic, and became
more
evident in the European wars that followed Queen Anne's War.
These wars drained New England of manpower
and resources during King George's War (1739-1747), when the colonists
attempted to overwhelm the French enemy to the North. But the war
also offered opportunities for
merchants and other to run up profits through war contracts and
privateering. This only advanced the
"every man for himself" spirit and further eroded any feeling of
community. People in Boston began to
turn away from their professions and became buyers and butchers of
livestock. They understood that by
buying out the supplies of livestock and holding onto it for awhile,
they could
drive up prices. This resulted in a kind
of economic warfare between rural and urban society.
The breakdown of an
interdependent
economic community was equally visible in other cities during King
George's
War. Food exporters in New York and
Philadelphia piled up profits by illegally trading with the French and
Spanish
enemy in the West Indies. They diverted
food supplies for New England to the Caribbean, where the enemy paid
higher
prices in order to feed their slave populations. Here was the
ultimate betrayal of the public
good by private interests, a betrayal reflected in the food bill of
every
Bostonian. War had spurred the growing
tendency of the free market, with everyone seeking to capitalize on the
new
opportunities for private gain.
By throwing of the governmental
and
ideological restraints of the past, by glorifying the concept of
self-interest,
the colonists were in fact bringing together what for them was the
perfect
relationship between a people blessed with vast areas of abundant
natural
resources and a people accustomed to dealing with situations on their
own and
developing new responses to unique situations.
The new system of values growing out of this marriage legitimated
private profit-seeking, promoted the abandonment of economic
regulation, and
projected a future in which men's energies would be cut looses from
age-old
mercantilist controls instituted from above to promote the good of
all. This, many colonists argued, would produce a
common good far better than the old.
Needless to say, not all
colonists
agreed -- particularly those who were fighting to buy bred or meat at
reasonable prices. However, these two
ideas -- one, that economic life should be regulated for the common
good, or
that economic life should be left alone and naturally regulate itself
according
to supply and demand -- were competing for ascendancy in the colonial
mind. It was in the cities that
shopkeepers, merchants, land speculators and others first developed a
philosophical rationale to justify their new economic
circumstances. This thinking paralleled a similar train of
social thought in England an Europe.
There, too, a new model of economic and social life had emerged,
predicated on the notion that the market mentality was preferable to
the older
corporate society of persons finely attuned to the public good because
the
idealistic model refused to take men as they really were.
Self-denial, moral rectitude, and the
subordination of private to public interests were good in theory, but
in
reality they acted as dead weights on the economic order. National prosperity required a
different way of thinking -- it required encouragement of acquisitive
appetites
and acceptance of the notion that the self-seeking drive was more
powerful than
institutional efforts when it came to molding people's actions.
In England, the new formula for national
prosperity assumed that if each individual sought his or her own
improvement,
all these separate efforts would produce, through a mysterious process
later
described by Adam Smith as the "invisible hand," a natural harmony
and a prosperous, free society. They
said that men could not be compelled to work for the good of the whole,
but, if
left to sort out their own wants and to pursue their own material
desires in
open competition, they would collectively form an impersonal
market that
would regulate human affairs to everyone's advantage. Finally, in
this new system, labor was more
valuable than land in producing wealth.
(Given the labor situation in America, you can see why they would like
this theory.)
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