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LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON, 1964
LBJ
LBJ Oath  Lyndon Baines Johnson, Kennedy's vice-president, took the oath of office only hours after Kennedy was shot in Dallas.  Judge Sarah Hughes gave Johnson the oath aboard Air Force One, with Kennedy's coffin behind him and JFK's widow beside him, still clothed in the bloody suit she'd worn that morning.  The urgency owed to fears that JFK's assasination might be part of a Soviet plot to destablize the U. S. as part of a larger military scenario.





Personal History


      Lyndon Baines Johnson was born on August 27, 1908, in central Texas.  He felt the pinch of poverty growing up, working his way through Southwest Texas Teacher's College (later Southwest Texas State College, San Marcos).  As a school teacher, he taught children of both Anglo and Mexican descent.  In 1934, he married Claudia "Lady Bird" Taylor, and in 1937 campaigned successfully for the House of Representatives, running as a strong supporter of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal.  During World War II he served briefly as a lieutenant commander in the Navy, winning a Silver Star in the South Pacific.  After the war, having served six terms in the House, he won election to the Senate in 1948.  In 1953, he became Senate Minority Leader, and in 1954 Majority Leader of the Senate.

President Johnson

     After Kennedy's death, Johnson obtained passage of the civil rights bill proposed by Kennedy in 1962.  He signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 in July.  The measure outlawed racial segregation in public places and increased federal enforcement powers.  
Next, he urged the Nation "to build a great society , where the meaning of man's life matches the marvels of man's labor."  
Civil Rights Act of 1964

      In spite of Johnson's passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, young civil rights activists were not happy with the pace of change in the South.  Members of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress for Racial Equality (CORE) had grown increasingly radical over the past four years.  They had faced brutal violence in their effort to desegregate buses (Freedom Rides) in 1961 and in their ongoing efforts to register black voters in the South.  In their campaign for racial equality, they found themselves frustrated by what they viewed as lack of federal protection or action on behalf of civil rights workers and their cause.  Most of the acts of violence perpetrated against the civil rights workers fell under state jurisidction, and thus any crimes committed were tried by all-white juries that would acquit any defendant (if indeed they could ever be indicted for a crime).  The workers themselves were often arrested on trumped up charges such as vagrancy or disturbing the peace by lawmen who worked hand-in-hand with the Klan and White Citizens' Councils.  In short, the young workers learned to distrust authority, and this distrust encompassed not only the leaders of the federal government but also the leaders of the civil rights movement, such as Dr. King.

     In 1964, the activists determined to force the issue of voting rights onto the Democratic agenda by organizing a "Freedom Summer" in Mississippi.  White college students trained by SNCC and CORE would go to Mississippi to help educate blacks about their rights in "Freedom Schools" and help them register to vote.  In spite of the activists' efforts to prepare the college kids for what they wold face in the South, most were shocked at the brutal repression they witnessed.  Then, three civil rights workers--Andrew Goodman, Micky Schwerner, and Donald Chaney--disappeared in Indianola County after being detained by the local sheriff.  State officials claimed the three young men had simply run off, or else had staged an "incident" hoping to gain publicity.  Federal officials were of little help in the investigation.  However, about six weeks after their disappearance, investigators acted on a tip from an informant inside the Klan and found the bodies of the three slain workers in a partially-completed dam.  The two white workers had both been shot, and the black worker had been beaten savagely before he was killed.  Authorities eventually arrested five men, including a deputy sheriff, and tried them for murder before an all-white jury.  They were acquitted.

      The unrest in Mississippi came as an unwelcome "distraction" for Lyndon Johnson.  He had succeeded in engineering the passage of Kennedy's Civil Rights Bill, which had not won him any friends among white Southern Democrats; nevertheless, he needed to maintain party unity as much as possible in order to obtain the nomination.  When the young activists arrived at the Democratic National Convention promoting a rival delegation from Missississppi (the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party), Johnson had his vice-president, Hubert Humphrey, "handle" the delegation, telling them they would not be recognized as Mississippi's official delegation, but two members of their group would be allowed to sit in as an  non-voting members.  Offended, the delegation rejected the compromise and left the Convention.

LBJ and Goldwater      Aside from the problems within his own party, Johnson faced a strong challenge from the Republican Party in 1964.  The GOP nominated Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona.  The tough-talking Goldwater predictably struck at the Democrats' perceived Achilles Heel:  their "soft" record on Communism.  Assuring Americans that he would stop at little to thwart the Communist menace, Goldwater declared: "Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.  Moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue."  Johnson, whose main focus had always been on domestic affairs, suddenly needed an opportunity to establish his credentials fighting Communism.



  Tonkin Gulf Incident

     On the night of August 2, 1964, a radar operator aboard the U. S. destroyer Maddox on patrol in the Tonkin Gulf, just off the coast of North Vietnam, reported an a radar indication of possible boats approaching the ship.  Although the Maddox was in officially recognized international waters (3 miles), the North Vietnamese claimed a zone of 12 miles as their territory.  They were also engaged in spying on North Vietnam in order to support illegal operations of South Vietnamese commandos operating behind enemy lines.  They thus had reason to be wary of possible North Vietnamese gunboats closing in on a perceived intruder.  Although no one ever sighted any boats, the ship reported the incident to Washington.  When he saw the report, President Johnson saw an opportunity to flex his anti-Communist muscles.  He sent orders to the Maddox that if they were "attacked" again, they were to fire back.  On August 4, 1964, the Maddox once again made radar contact with what it determined were "hostiles" and opened fire.

     Citing the "attacks" on the Maddox, Johnson asked Congress for authority to use military force to defend U. S. forces in South Vietnam.  With only one dissenting vote, Congress passed the Tonkin Gulf Resolution giving the president a virtual "blank check" to commit U. S. troops to combat.   Satisfied that he had strengthened his credentials against Goldwater on the Communist issue, Johnson returned to the business of the campaign.

The  "Daisy Girl" Commercial

    Goldwater's statements regarding "extremism in the defense of liberty" were meant as a defense of conservatism, but they merged in the public consciousness with earlier statements Goldwater had made about possible use of nuclear weapons in Vietnam.  The Johnson campaign played upon these fears with its famous (or infamous) "Daisy Girl" commercial--the first attack ad in presidential TV history.  (Click on the link above to watch the commercial.)  The spot depicted a little girl picking daisies, and playing the game:  "He Loves Me, He Loves Me Not."  In the background, one hears the rising note of a countdown:  "10...9...8..." until at "1" the girl looks at the sky and the innocent scene dissolves into a nuclear mushroom cloud.  Then a voice solemnly intones:  "These are the stakes:  to make a world in which all of God's children can live or to go into the dark.  We must either love each other or we must die.  Vote for President Johnson on November 3.  The stakes are too high for you to stay at home."  The implication was that Goldwater would blow the world to hell if he was elected president.  The spot was so controversial it only ran once, but its effect aptly reflected concerned about Goldwater and scored points for Johnson as a voice of reason.

Election Day

     On election day, Johnson won the presidency with 61 percent of the vote--the largest margin in history, greater even than that of his hero, Franklin D. Roosevelt, in 1936.  Johnson was now ready to embark upon the construction of his Great Society.  Vietnam could not have been further from his thoughts.


Sources:

Official White House Biography

Presidential Elections, 1896-1996

The Living Room Candidate

President Lyndon B. Johnson's American Dream:  The Great Society

Go to:

The Great Society